Oral history, historical fact, interpretation
Slowly the conservatives are coming foward to elaborate their position on 'we have to defend empirical history at all costs from 'lefty bias', lefty's 'pushing their barrow', the 'black armband view of Australian history', and the 'leftist historical orthodoxy prevailing in academia' as embodied in Henry Reynolds. In this defence, they stand by historical fact and draw a line in the sand between historical fact and the Aboriginal oral tradition or interpretation. See Battle of the black armband
So what do people such as Tony Staley, a former federal Liberal Party President and now board member of the National Musem of Australia, mean by historical fact? What is the historical fact that makes national history authentic and historicallly accurate?
It is a reasonable question since there are no eye witnesses still alive today. Alas, Staley does not say but he does imply that historical fact is what makes history true.
But we know what they are. They are historical sources. What are historical sources? Clearly, it is not local Aboriginal oral history because this history is what is explicitly rejected in the name of historical fact. Windshuttle, for instance, explictly attacked the National Musem of Australia for presenting Aboriginal oral tradition as historical fact. It would appear that police records are historical fact.
But why are police records treated as fact and so deemed to be true? What makes these records true rather false? Has not the police, as an institution, been shown to doctor their documents? Why do we not treat these records as downplaying the killing of Aborigines by white settlers? Do not these records not need to be interpreted in the light of other sources about settler roving parties, their relationships with military parties. Why are police records treated as historical facts and not as written texts that need to be interpreted by historians?
I presume the historian goes to a musem, library or other such institutions pulls out the archives and goes through a bunch of old documents which are treated as primary sources for a local history. The historian is skilled in the 'methodology' of hermeneutics, or the study and practice of the art of interpreting texts ravaged by time and cultural differences to discern their meaning, and uses this methodology---or better still skill--- to help gain an understanding of frontier history. So why should we not be suspicious of the settler ideology buried in these written texts?
What Staley does is to assert that these historical sources are facts and to deny that the police records are written texts that need to be interpreted. He gives us no reason for this assertion nor for his assumption that these police records should be seen as mirroring reality, rather than covering up or distorting what actually happened.
We can think differently about truth. Let me suggest something. If we adopt an interpretive approach to historical texts then gaining an understanding of frontier history would involve truth as describing a condition or process which suddenly or gradually shows itself, and can be concretely appropriated. That which was ignorable, hidden, and avoidable----the massacre of aborigines---now becomes obtrusive, unforgettable, and unavoidable. This process is one where that which “is” ---frontier warfare--- is discovered, uncovered, and recovered. Truth is a process of bringing into light, that which “is “readily graspable---eg., through the work of Henry Reynolds----and thus this readily graspable of frontier warfare becomes a part of the historical time-space of Australia,as disclosed by a process of historical interpretation.
Frontier history is both the record of beings coming into the light--the massacres of Aborigines----and then retreating back into darkness --eg., through the work of Windshuttle. History is a continuous struggle to unconceal truth.
We can do history without assuming the correspondence theory of truth in which historical resources, such as settler police records, are assumed to be historical fact.
Slowly the conservatives are coming foward to elaborate their position on 'we have to defend empirical history at all costs from 'lefty bias', lefty's 'pushing their barrow', the 'black armband view of Australian history', and the 'leftist historical orthodoxy prevailing in academia' as embodied in Henry Reynolds. In this defence, they stand by historical fact and draw a line in the sand between historical fact and the Aboriginal oral tradition or interpretation. See Battle of the black armband
So what do people such as Tony Staley, a former federal Liberal Party President and now board member of the National Musem of Australia, mean by historical fact? What is the historical fact that makes national history authentic and historicallly accurate?
It is a reasonable question since there are no eye witnesses still alive today. Alas, Staley does not say but he does imply that historical fact is what makes history true.
But we know what they are. They are historical sources. What are historical sources? Clearly, it is not local Aboriginal oral history because this history is what is explicitly rejected in the name of historical fact. Windshuttle, for instance, explictly attacked the National Musem of Australia for presenting Aboriginal oral tradition as historical fact. It would appear that police records are historical fact.
But why are police records treated as fact and so deemed to be true? What makes these records true rather false? Has not the police, as an institution, been shown to doctor their documents? Why do we not treat these records as downplaying the killing of Aborigines by white settlers? Do not these records not need to be interpreted in the light of other sources about settler roving parties, their relationships with military parties. Why are police records treated as historical facts and not as written texts that need to be interpreted by historians?
I presume the historian goes to a musem, library or other such institutions pulls out the archives and goes through a bunch of old documents which are treated as primary sources for a local history. The historian is skilled in the 'methodology' of hermeneutics, or the study and practice of the art of interpreting texts ravaged by time and cultural differences to discern their meaning, and uses this methodology---or better still skill--- to help gain an understanding of frontier history. So why should we not be suspicious of the settler ideology buried in these written texts?
What Staley does is to assert that these historical sources are facts and to deny that the police records are written texts that need to be interpreted. He gives us no reason for this assertion nor for his assumption that these police records should be seen as mirroring reality, rather than covering up or distorting what actually happened.
We can think differently about truth. Let me suggest something. If we adopt an interpretive approach to historical texts then gaining an understanding of frontier history would involve truth as describing a condition or process which suddenly or gradually shows itself, and can be concretely appropriated. That which was ignorable, hidden, and avoidable----the massacre of aborigines---now becomes obtrusive, unforgettable, and unavoidable. This process is one where that which “is” ---frontier warfare--- is discovered, uncovered, and recovered. Truth is a process of bringing into light, that which “is “readily graspable---eg., through the work of Henry Reynolds----and thus this readily graspable of frontier warfare becomes a part of the historical time-space of Australia,as disclosed by a process of historical interpretation.
Frontier history is both the record of beings coming into the light--the massacres of Aborigines----and then retreating back into darkness --eg., through the work of Windshuttle. History is a continuous struggle to unconceal truth.
We can do history without assuming the correspondence theory of truth in which historical resources, such as settler police records, are assumed to be historical fact.
